American Leadership and the Future of Alliances

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2d:T16332,American Leadership and the Future of AlliancesRecently, I was invited by the Asan Institute for Policy Studies in Seoul to share my thoughts on America’s leadership in the world and the future of alliances.
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American Leadership and the Future of Alliances
Recently, I was invited by the Asan Institute for Policy Studies in Seoul to share my thoughts on America’s leadership in the world and the future of alliances.
Kamala Harris
Oct 14 

READ IN APP

As Vice President, I embarked on 17 foreign trips to 21 countries and met with more than 150 world leaders to strengthen critical alliances. In my return to South Korea, I outlined the changing international order, the value of alliances, and the importance of strategic cooperation to address global challenges like AI, climate, and economic relationships. I also discussed my belief in America’s responsibility to uphold human rights and international law. More than anything, I remain steadfast in my belief in the American people and the need for America to assert its global role of leadership.
Read below:
Good morning, everyone. I’m honored to be with you here in Seoul.
Four years ago, I had the privilege of traveling here as Vice President to reaffirm the bond between our countries — a bond forged by generations of friendship and shared sacrifice.
Visiting the DMZ, where American and South Korean service members stand shoulder-to-shoulder — a stark reminder of the strength of our alliance, and the threats we still face.
Three quarters of a century have passed since Koreans and Americans fought and died together on this soil. Like World War II before, it was a struggle for freedom. And out of the wreckage of those two conflicts, America — together with our allies — led the world in assembling a new global order. While far from perfect, it was sustained by our alliances, guided by our values, and governed by international rules and norms. And it provided partnership, prosperity, and security.
The Republic of Korea wrote an extraordinary success story, growing from one of the most impoverished countries to one of the 15 largest economies in the world and a major exporter of innovation and culture.
That progress — a testament to our partnership, where American leaders invested in a fledgling partner half a world away, and Korean leaders invested in education and science, health and housing, and the potential of their people.
And together, we worked to promote democracy and democratic values as part of the global order that transformed the wider world. Where, for more than 70 years, the United States and its allies experienced an era of unprecedented stability.
Yet as we come together now, the long-standing global order has experienced a steady erosion. Not because of a world war — but brought by growing economic inequality, disregard for sovereignty and territorial integrity, and a degradation of the rules and norms that governed for decades.
Meanwhile, the global balance of power has also shifted.
Coming out of world wars, and into the Cold War, military might was the primary source of power. But now more than ever, economic innovation — markets and minerals, chips and compute — have greater influence.
The rise of globalization has also resulted in an uneven distribution of the vast wealth it created. In the United States and many other countries, jobs disappeared, costs rose, and everyday life grew more difficult. That inequality sparked simmering resentments that led to populist upheavals and calls for nationalism and nativism. Sentiments that have been exploited by anti-democratic forces in the United States and around the world — fueling a rising authoritarian tide.
All of which, I believe, have led to a steady erosion of the old order and led us to today, where we find ourselves in a moment of transition. An interlude between eras — defined by instability and uncertainty.
And one of the most striking features of this moment: American foreign policy — and relations among other nations — are increasingly grounded in a blunt, raw transactionalism. Motivated by short-term financial payoffs — overlooking the value of long-term investments in the kind of world we want to live in.
So, as I look to the future of America’s global leadership, the question becomes: How should America lead in this era of instability?
Well, I believe, part of the answer is: America must lead with realism, not with recklessness.
In an increasingly transactional world, we must be clear-eyed to pursue our short-term interests while we also pursue long-term, strategic interests.
The last few years have shown us: American foreign policy orthodoxies of old are insufficient to meet the challenges we face. Where some have tried to restore a pre-World War II era — when conquest and cronyism were commonplace. Others, in the establishment, have been clinging to the post-World War II order — slow to adapt to a changing world.
But we cannot afford to be driven by nostalgia.
America must look forward.
Forward — where we, of course, continue to invest in our armed forces, and where we invest in global partnerships. Where the territorial integrity of all nations — and the dignity of all people — are a priority. Where America embraces our global leadership role, and where, with our partners, we meet the complex challenges of this new era.
So today, I will speak about three markers of this new era that are seemingly challenges, but I believe present great opportunities:
Artificial intelligence,
The climate crisis,
And economic relationships.
Not since the advent of nuclear weapons has the world faced an existential risk on the scale and complexity of those posed by AI.
By the industry’s own admission, the risks include: 
Bioweapons — that could claim millions of innocent lives.
Cyber-attacks — that could paralyze financial, energy, and health systems.
And loss of control — scenarios where agents go rogue, untethered to human oversight.
Yet as some AI experts sound the alarm, others in Washington, D.C. insist the technology companies can police themselves. But a challenge of this magnitude demands the government’s engagement, not abdication.
That’s why, three years ago, as Vice President, I traveled to the United Kingdom to call for international standards for safety in AI development. We rallied 30 nations behind principles for the responsible military use of AI, consistent with international law. And my work helped secure voluntary commitments from leading AI companies on safety standards, which became the basis of safety laws in California, New York, and Illinois.
Recently, another round of voluntary commitments were announced — not very different from what we initially secured. However, what is different: We saw those commitments as a starting point. Not as the end point.
It is clear, there is much more work to be done. And the window to act is closing quickly. Which is why I have called for a slowdown of frontier AI development — so we can establish sound guardrails to ensure this technology serves the public interest. Where safety and security come first; privacy is paramount; and equal access to opportunity is guaranteed.
As the home of frontier models, America carries a special responsibility to render this technology safe. So Washington must require robust oversight; independent monitoring and testing; transparency and accountability; and an emergency safety shut-off.
America must also work with our allies and bring China to the table to help slow the pace of AI development and to encourage the adoption of global standards for testing and transparency.
America cannot accept a false choice: That we either win the AI race or we make AI safe for humanity. We can — and must — do both. Because a consequential solution is not possible without America leading the way.
Climate, also, is an existential challenge of our times.
The world will breach the target we set in Paris to contain global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius. And no country is immune from the harm to come, be it shocks to energy supply, conflict over scarce resources, or rising displacement.
While the biggest emitters are driving the crisis, the smallest emitters are bearing the brunt: from devastating floods in Nepal and Tibet; to severe drought in Somalia and Ethiopia; to the hurricanes that have decimated the Caribbean islands.
We cannot undo the damage done, but we can avert future harms. 
And we know what progress looks like. Our administration invested a trillion dollars and accelerated renewable energy production; grew electric vehicle and solar manufacturing; and strengthened the resilience of critical infrastructure. These investments were on track to create hundreds of thousands of jobs, lower household energy bills, and leverage private sector partnerships — including with many Korean firms.
But now:
Offshore wind projects have been canceled.
Incentives for companies to build more EVs and batteries have been eliminated.
Grants for affordable clean energy and resilience have been revoked.
Taxpayer credits to reduce energy bills have been ended.
And long-standing pollution rules have been gutted.
Nonetheless, I will share with you, that America’s clean energy market continues to grow, with the imperative that America bring down prices and create healthier communities.
America must also reengage with the world on climate policy. Not only as one of the biggest emitters. But also as the birthplace of the solar cell and modern wind turbine,  as a pioneer in technologies from nuclear energy to batteries, to fusion and next-generation geothermal. America’s innovative capacity and economic heft are essential to global climate solutions, which must also expand beyond the framework established in Paris. And include frameworks that:
Move quickly, sector-by-sector, with binding standards and enforcement mechanisms.
Unlock financing, mobilize capital, and address disaster debt.
And acknowledge that climate progress and energy security can go hand in hand.
Finally, the world needs an America that plays a constructive — not destructive — role in shaping the global economy. 
In this era of increased transactionalism, we must find new ways to build and strengthen global economic partnerships. Partnerships that reap not only immediate gains, but dividends over generations.
In recent decades, the United States has enforced trade deals that were often a windfall to corporations — but not for small business and working families, which inflicted economic pain. 
However, punitive tariffs motivated by grievance — and favorable treatment motivated by greed — have also inflicted their own severe economic pain domestically and globally.
America must be strategic in the use of our economic power, not reckless or spiteful.
We must protect access to goods and services, lower costs for consumers, and create jobs for our people. We must provide predictability for businesses in the U.S. and abroad, and we must use tariffs as a targeted tool. 
We must also be strategic in how we address economic vulnerabilities, two in particular: Global supply chains and access to critical minerals.
America must invest in a robust domestic industrial strategy and partner with our allies to build resilience and prevent choke-points and shortages.
We must also take a more expansive view of partnerships with developing nations. Consider: By the middle of this century, 1 in 4 people will live on the African continent, and the economies of both Africa and Southeast Asia are growing rapidly. Like our approach with South Korea years ago, America must invest — not with charity, but with partnership.
This brings me to two overarching points of emphasis.
First, as we address each of these challenges — AI, climate, and trade — American leaders must always ensure the safety, security, and prosperity of the American people.
And second, America must use our leverage to ensure our actions align with our interests. It is in our interest:
To hold our allies accountable for their share of global defense.
To ensure trade benefits American workers and consumers.
And to uphold our moral obligation to human rights and international law.
To be sure: America has at times fallen short here. Most recently, the failure to use our leverage to curtail the Israeli Government’s horrific conduct in the war in Gaza. Both under the current Administration — which offers Netanyahu a blank check — and our Administration before where we should have acted sooner, and more forcefully.
I’ll close with this: 
As we look ahead, the next decade will undoubtedly present instability and uncertainty. But in this moment of transition, the United States of America has both the ability — and duty — to lead. Leadership which stems from the strength of our economy, the might of our military, the caliber of our universities, the ingenuity of our companies, and the tenacity and ambition of our people. And it stems from the strength of our alliances.
So, together with our allies — including those in this room — we have a fleeting opportunity to be the architects of the next global order. To lay a new foundation toward peace, progress, and prosperity. A future that is not preordained, but it is within our power to build.
As I said in 2022, when I was last here as Vice President: “The alliance between the United States and the Republic of Korea has been a linchpin of security and prosperity on the Korean peninsula and in the Indo Pacific.”
Today, I have returned to Seoul because I still believe it is true.
Thank you.
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2e:T3678,View this post on the web at https://kamalaharris.substack.com/p/american-leadership-and-the-future

As Vice President, I embarked on 17 foreign trips to 21 countries and met with more than 150 world leaders to strengthen critical alliances. In my return to South Korea, I outlined the changing international order, the value of alliances, and the importance of strategic cooperation to address global challenges like AI, climate, and economic relationships. I also discussed my belief in America’s responsibility to uphold human rights and international law. More than anything, I remain steadfast in my belief in the American people and the need for America to assert its global role of leadership.
Read below:
Good morning, everyone. I’m honored to be with you here in Seoul.
Four years ago, I had the privilege of traveling here as Vice President to reaffirm the bond between our countries — a bond forged by generations of friendship and shared sacrifice.
Visiting the DMZ, where American and South Korean service members stand shoulder-to-shoulder — a stark reminder of the strength of our alliance, and the threats we still face.
Three quarters of a century have passed since Koreans and Americans fought and died together on this soil. Like World War II before, it was a struggle for freedom. And out of the wreckage of those two conflicts, America — together with our allies — led the world in assembling a new global order. While far from perfect, it was sustained by our alliances, guided by our values, and governed by international rules and norms. And it provided partnership, prosperity, and security.
The Republic of Korea wrote an extraordinary success story, growing from one of the most impoverished countries to one of the 15 largest economies in the world and a major exporter of innovation and culture.
That progress — a testament to our partnership, where American leaders invested in a fledgling partner half a world away, and Korean leaders invested in education and science, health and housing, and the potential of their people.
And together, we worked to promote democracy and democratic values as part of the global order that transformed the wider world. Where, for more than 70 years, the United States and its allies experienced an era of unprecedented stability.
Yet as we come together now, the long-standing global order has experienced a steady erosion. Not because of a world war — but brought by growing economic inequality, disregard for sovereignty and territorial integrity, and a degradation of the rules and norms that governed for decades.
Meanwhile, the global balance of power has also shifted.
Coming out of world wars, and into the Cold War, military might was the primary source of power. But now more than ever, economic innovation — markets and minerals, chips and compute — have greater influence.
The rise of globalization has also resulted in an uneven distribution of the vast wealth it created. In the United States and many other countries, jobs disappeared, costs rose, and everyday life grew more difficult. That inequality sparked simmering resentments that led to populist upheavals and calls for nationalism and nativism. Sentiments that have been exploited by anti-democratic forces in the United States and around the world — fueling a rising authoritarian tide.
All of which, I believe, have led to a steady erosion of the old order and led us to today, where we find ourselves in a moment of transition. An interlude between eras — defined by instability and uncertainty.
And one of the most striking features of this moment: American foreign policy — and relations among other nations — are increasingly grounded in a blunt, raw transactionalism. Motivated by short-term financial payoffs — overlooking the value of long-term investments in the kind of world we want to live in.
So, as I look to the future of America’s global leadership, the question becomes: How should America lead in this era of instability?
Well, I believe, part of the answer is: America must lead with realism, not with recklessness.
In an increasingly transactional world, we must be clear-eyed to pursue our short-term interests while we also pursue long-term, strategic interests.
The last few years have shown us: American foreign policy orthodoxies of old are insufficient to meet the challenges we face. Where some have tried to restore a pre-World War II era — when conquest and cronyism were commonplace. Others, in the establishment, have been clinging to the post-World War II order — slow to adapt to a changing world.
But we cannot afford to be driven by nostalgia.
America must look forward.
Forward — where we, of course, continue to invest in our armed forces, and where we invest in global partnerships. Where the territorial integrity of all nations — and the dignity of all people — are a priority. Where America embraces our global leadership role, and where, with our partners, we meet the complex challenges of this new era.
So today, I will speak about three markers of this new era that are seemingly challenges, but I believe present great opportunities:
Artificial intelligence,
The climate crisis,
And economic relationships.
Not since the advent of nuclear weapons has the world faced an existential risk on the scale and complexity of those posed by AI.
By the industry’s own admission, the risks include: 
Bioweapons — that could claim millions of innocent lives.
Cyber-attacks — that could paralyze financial, energy, and health systems.
And loss of control — scenarios where agents go rogue, untethered to human oversight.
Yet as some AI experts sound the alarm, others in Washington, D.C. insist the technology companies can police themselves. But a challenge of this magnitude demands the government’s engagement, not abdication.
That’s why, three years ago, as Vice President, I traveled to the United Kingdom to call for international standards for safety in AI development. We rallied 30 nations behind principles for the responsible military use of AI, consistent with international law. And my work helped secure voluntary commitments from leading AI companies on safety standards, which became the basis of safety laws in California, New York, and Illinois.
Recently, another round of voluntary commitments were announced — not very different from what we initially secured. However, what is different: We saw those commitments as a starting point. Not as the end point.
It is clear, there is much more work to be done. And the window to act is closing quickly. Which is why I have called for a slowdown of frontier AI development — so we can establish sound guardrails to ensure this technology serves the public interest. Where safety and security come first; privacy is paramount; and equal access to opportunity is guaranteed.
As the home of frontier models, America carries a special responsibility to render this technology safe. So Washington must require robust oversight; independent monitoring and testing; transparency and accountability; and an emergency safety shut-off.
America must also work with our allies and bring China to the table to help slow the pace of AI development and to encourage the adoption of global standards for testing and transparency.
America cannot accept a false choice: That we either win the AI race or we make AI safe for humanity. We can — and must — do both. Because a consequential solution is not possible without America leading the way.
Climate, also, is an existential challenge of our times.
The world will breach the target we set in Paris to contain global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius. And no country is immune from the harm to come, be it shocks to energy supply, conflict over scarce resources, or rising displacement.
While the biggest emitters are driving the crisis, the smallest emitters are bearing the brunt: from devastating floods in Nepal and Tibet; to severe drought in Somalia and Ethiopia; to the hurricanes that have decimated the Caribbean islands.
We cannot undo the damage done, but we can avert future harms. 
And we know what progress looks like. Our administration invested a trillion dollars and accelerated renewable energy production; grew electric vehicle and solar manufacturing; and strengthened the resilience of critical infrastructure. These investments were on track to create hundreds of thousands of jobs, lower household energy bills, and leverage private sector partnerships — including with many Korean firms.
But now:
Offshore wind projects have been canceled.
Incentives for companies to build more EVs and batteries have been eliminated.
Grants for affordable clean energy and resilience have been revoked.
Taxpayer credits to reduce energy bills have been ended.
And long-standing pollution rules have been gutted.
Nonetheless, I will share with you, that America’s clean energy market continues to grow, with the imperative that America bring down prices and create healthier communities.
America must also reengage with the world on climate policy. Not only as one of the biggest emitters. But also as the birthplace of the solar cell and modern wind turbine,  as a pioneer in technologies from nuclear energy to batteries, to fusion and next-generation geothermal. America’s innovative capacity and economic heft are essential to global climate solutions, which must also expand beyond the framework established in Paris. And include frameworks that:
Move quickly, sector-by-sector, with binding standards and enforcement mechanisms.
Unlock financing, mobilize capital, and address disaster debt.
And acknowledge that climate progress and energy security can go hand in hand.
Finally, the world needs an America that plays a constructive — not destructive — role in shaping the global economy. 
In this era of increased transactionalism, we must find new ways to build and strengthen global economic partnerships. Partnerships that reap not only immediate gains, but dividends over generations.
In recent decades, the United States has enforced trade deals that were often a windfall to corporations — but not for small business and working families, which inflicted economic pain. 
However, punitive tariffs motivated by grievance — and favorable treatment motivated by greed — have also inflicted their own severe economic pain domestically and globally.
America must be strategic in the use of our economic power, not reckless or spiteful.
We must protect access to goods and services, lower costs for consumers, and create jobs for our people. We must provide predictability for businesses in the U.S. and abroad, and we must use tariffs as a targeted tool. 
We must also be strategic in how we address economic vulnerabilities, two in particular: Global supply chains and access to critical minerals.
America must invest in a robust domestic industrial strategy and partner with our allies to build resilience and prevent choke-points and shortages.
We must also take a more expansive view of partnerships with developing nations. Consider: By the middle of this century, 1 in 4 people will live on the African continent, and the economies of both Africa and Southeast Asia are growing rapidly. Like our approach with South Korea years ago, America must invest — not with charity, but with partnership.
This brings me to two overarching points of emphasis.
First, as we address each of these challenges — AI, climate, and trade — American leaders must always ensure the safety, security, and prosperity of the American people.
And second, America must use our leverage to ensure our actions align with our interests. It is in our interest:
To hold our allies accountable for their share of global defense.
To ensure trade benefits American workers and consumers.
And to uphold our moral obligation to human rights and international law.
To be sure: America has at times fallen short here. Most recently, the failure to use our leverage to curtail the Israeli Government’s horrific conduct in the war in Gaza. Both under the current Administration — which offers Netanyahu a blank check — and our Administration before where we should have acted sooner, and more forcefully.
I’ll close with this: 
As we look ahead, the next decade will undoubtedly present instability and uncertainty. But in this moment of transition, the United States of America has both the ability — and duty — to lead. Leadership which stems from the strength of our economy, the might of our military, the caliber of our universities, the ingenuity of our companies, and the tenacity and ambition of our people. And it stems from the strength of our alliances.
So, together with our allies — including those in this room — we have a fleeting opportunity to be the architects of the next global order. To lay a new foundation toward peace, progress, and prosperity. A future that is not preordained, but it is within our power to build.
As I said in 2022, when I was last here as Vice President: “The alliance between the United States and the Republic of Korea has been a linchpin of security and prosperity on the Korean peninsula and in the Indo Pacific.”
Today, I have returned to Seoul because I still believe it is true.
Thank you.
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